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My Century And My Many Lives, by Frank Munk
Frank Munk, my grandfather, wrote this autobiography to record his memories
from 1901 onwards. This history and its postscript are available on our family website in his
memory as they tell a complete story of the 20th century. These memoirs may be referenced as
long as proper attribution is made; our family retains ownership and copyright. We have one
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© Copyright 1993, 1994, The Munk/Ragen Families
When we arrived in
Berkeley on August 17, 1941, it was not like our arrival in Portland two years
earlier. We had been in Berkeley, at least briefly, during our first stay in
America when I was a Research Fellow of the Rockefeller Foundation from 1931 to
1933. We found a house rather quickly at 2555 Buena Vista Way north of the
campus, with a beautiful view of San Francisco Bay and of the Golden Gate. One
advantage of the house was the proximity of Hillside School across the street.
Both of our children started school almost immediately, Suzanne in the
kindergarten and Michael in second grade. Little did we think that the world
scene would change so abruptly while we were there. I had to work hard on some
new courses, one of which was Capitalism and Planned Economy, a subject
which interested me then, and still does today, some fifty years later.
One day in December
I got in my car, all alone, and drove across the hills, through Walnut Creek,
and up a high mountain called Mount Diablo, not far from Sacramento. The view
was spectacular, with the glint of San Francisco Bay on the Western horizon.
While on top of San Diablo I overheard people talking excitedly about some
attack on Hawaii. I paid no attention, believing they had had one too many. When
I got home, I learned that the Japanese had bombed Pearl Harbor, destroying the
entire Pacific fleet of the United States. The date was December 7, 1941, "the
day that will live in infamy."
Within a matter of
weeks the whole world scene changed radically. Previously the prevailing
political attitude was one of isolationism, nurtured by an aggressive America
First movement, with a supporting cast on the left, claiming that the war raging
in Europe was just an example of capitalist competition (at least before Germany
attacked the Soviet Union). Now suddenly the war became popular. It was very
impressive to watch the United States changing gear and girding for the
struggle. Very soon a line of barrage balloons appeared behind the Golden Gate
bridge. Not much later we saw from our living room explosions on the horizon --
we never learned whether they were Japanese submarines sinking U.S. ships or
I found the
university very congenial. It seemed more collegial than some I knew and gave me
support whenever I asked for it. The students were more appreciative and less
critical than at Reed. The department also received Nadia and me very kindly in
a social way and not only its members, but others on the faculty soon became our
friends. I loved walking home from my office at South Hall. The campus was less
crowded than it is today and beautifully landscaped. Especially in the spring,
it was redolent with the fragrance of numerous trees and shrubs.
No sooner did we
arrive in Berkeley than I found myself just as busy on the lecture circuit as I
had been in Portland, if not more so. I must have made hundreds of speeches, to
large audiences and small, while in Berkeley, not only in the Bar Area, but
throughout California and soon in places like Denver and beyond. I have no doubt
that my popularity was due not to my ability to speak, but to the war itself,
and to the fact that I was a credible witness to what was going on in Europe. I
must have had just the right accent, understandable, but foreign enough to sound
authentic, which it still is today more than 50 years later!
My most significant
venue was the Commonwealth Club of California in San Francisco, which many
people regard as the most important civic platform in the state. I suppose each
American president and presidential candidate has spoken there at least once. It
is something of a must for celebrities visiting San Francisco. I was no
celebrity, but I was given the unusual recognition of being invited three times
to speak before it in the course of a single year.
Perhaps, too, it
was not me, but my message. In the past, while teaching at Reed, I was primarily
trying to wake up America to the dangers of Nazism and German expansionism. Now
I shifted to the problems the world would be facing after defeating the
German-Japanese coalition. A good example of this was a speech I delivered
before the Commonwealth Club, meeting at the St. Francis Hotel in downtown San
Francisco on January 15, 1943. The subject was "Post War Reconstruction: Our
Last Chance." I described not just the physical destruction that would follow,
and the suffering of the people, but especially the complete devastation of the
political and economic system the victorious allies would encounter. I called
for immediate organization of an effort to start with relief supplies and
rehabilitation even before the end of hostilities. However, my main point was
that peace would fail again unless there was a determined international drive to
provide reconstruction capital for investments in the war-ravaged countries.
Although I did not know it then, I foreshadowed what was to become UNRRA (United
Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration) in the year that followed and
the Marshall Plan a few years later. It probably had something to do with my
being invited to become the head of training for UNRRA as soon as it was
I more or less
repeated the message at Institutes of International Relations at Riverside,
Mills College, and also during the ensuing summer at Reed, and at numerous other
meetings. The University of California published a series, which included my
contribution. In addition, I taught a class on postwar problems held evenings at
the University's extension center in San Francisco.
In the meantime, I
was enjoying my classes in Berkeley. One difference from my experience at Reed
was the size of the classes: whereas at Reed much instruction was in the form of
conferences, at U.C. Berkeley. I had some classes with well over 100 students.
How did my students react to me? The other day I found an old clipping from the
"Daily Californian," the student paper at U.C. of April 22, 1942:
TO THE EDITOR: I am
beginning to wonder why our University, which is always importing renowned men
to speak on the foreign situation, does not partake of the wisdom of its own
faculty members. I refer to Frank Munk, lecturer in economics. Mr. Munk, a
former official in the Czechoslovakian government, has seen nations trampled
beneath the tread of Nazi boots. That Mr. Munk is a popular speaker can be seen
from the fact that he is always appearing before luncheon and city clubs. If he
were to speak at a University meeting, his campus would suddenly wake up to the
realization that there is a war going on. If a University speech is not
possible, why can't we borrow Wheeler Auditorium, put Mr. Munk in it and benefit
from the experiences of one who has seen history in the making?
I was certainly
very aware of the war. In addition to my regular load, I was soon teaching two
other courses for the U.S. Army: one at U.C., an area course on Central Europe
and the Balkans in the Army Specialized Training Program, and the other on the
campus of Stanford University in the Army's Civil Affairs Training School. This
latter one was preparing officers who would, and did, become military governors
of defeated enemy countries. This required lots of commuting to Palo Alto.
I also volunteered
for training in the Berkeley Auxiliary Police. This was in preparation for any
emergency (it never occurred, but no one knew). We received regular police
training, including gun firing. At the end of training we had to pass an
examination, as well as practice firing. I don't remember the circumstances, but
I had to take both children with me that evening. I did pretty well in the gun
practice and was awarded a badge which read "Marksman." This may have been the
first and last time I impressed my children.
One would meet
interesting people at the University, most frequently at the Faculty Club. One
of them was Hans Kelsen, renowned authority on international law. Strangely
enough I never met him when he lived in Prague as professor of the German
University. There existed an invisible but practically impenetrable curtain
dividing the Czech and German universities, we were just invisible to each
other. We had to get to Berkeley to become friends.
Another person whom
I saw frequently at the Faculty Club during lunch was Robert Oppenheimer, head
of the nuclear bomb project. The building where he had his office was guarded
day and night by Marines. We knew the reason was a secret military project, but
we never suspected its nature.
I also enjoyed good
relations with the two chief administrators of the University, President Robert
G. Sproul and Monroe E. Deutsch, Vice-President and Provost. They were helpful
whenever I needed support, like providing a grant so I could finish my research
on the economics in totalitarian regimes. This permitted me to write a serious
book, which was published under the title of "The Legacy of Nazism" with
the sub-title "The Economic and Social Consequences of Totalitarianism" (The
Macmillan Company, New York, 1943).
[Webmaster's Note: I
have posted several chapters from this book on this website.]
It was generally
well received. I only regret I do not now have the file in which I kept the
reviews. I am attaching an information sheet prepared by Hiram Motherwell for
the staff of the Columbia Broadcasting System which describes some of the
salient points of the book.
August 9, 1943
Bulletin No. 20
DR. FRANK MUNK
THE LEGACY OF NAZISM
Macmillan, July 1943
There is no
hope that Nazism will disappear into thin air when Germany falls. Therefore,
what kind of a legacy will it leave behind? What can be done about it?
"economics" is not economics in any sense elsewhere recognized. Not an
attempt to balance forces and create a sound economic order, but a
whipping of those forces into perpetual motion by state power for
"re-industrializing" Europe by zones. Heavy and processing industry in the
inmost zone (Germany, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, etc.). In the second zone
(France, Denmark, Holland, Belgium) industrial specialization so these
regions cannot function as units without Berlin. Third zone (Poland,
Balkans, Baltics, etc.) is being de-industrialized and condemned to
agriculture only, which means a perpetually lower standard of living.
It has made a
fiction of finance and banking, though full results will not be apparent
until the Nazis are defeated. "The total collapse of Europe's financial
system is almost inevitable." Terrific inflation foreseen as soon as Nazi
controls are removed.
shattered the market. "The price system has been torn to rags...the damage
largely wiped out small independent business.
effect has been to unite European industry under central control of
Berlin, but unity does not mean uniformity. Hitler's "cartel system"
consists of many different kinds of economic structures --- state
monopolies, private trusts (like the Hermann Goering Works employing
600,000 workers in 20 countries), public corporations operating under
state control but not theoretically part of the state, mixed corporations
under state control, even Labor Front which is itself a vast industrial,
banking and distribution concern.
system" has proved fantastically efficient as a productive machine.
Failures in it come from lack of understanding human factor. Post-War
Europe cannot get rid of this system. Cannot cut it up into its prewar
components without cutting off its own arms and legs.
with industrial zoning and need to fortify political power, Nazis are
reshuffling Europe's population. The plan, now partly accomplished, is to:
Dutch and Czech population to Baltic Coast and to Russia.
million Slovenes to Siberia.
permanently to serf labor, a la Pharaoh.
anatomy of Europe shattered, and continent will be obliged to grow new
deportees, refugees and forced laborers will seek to rush "home," and will
clog social arteries.
system of prewar Europe will have disintegrated. German upper classes will
be eliminated by United Nations (confiscation of Junker lands, etc.).
Middle class and small businessmen have been liquidated throughout Nazi
Europe, and have become State employees. Hundred million peasants in East
Europe will be "searching for a new heaven and new earth" since they won't
be able to support selves on their land, and their countries have been
deprived by Hitler of all means of producing wealth which could be
exchanged abroad for food.
unparalleled for volume and intensity, of conquered peoples for Germany
and Italy; especially of Jews, Poles and others whom the Nazis have sought
to slaughter or starve out of existence.
anarchy will be suffered by tens of millions as a result of years of
suffering and tension.
Nazi economic structure must be taken out of Nazi hands, and the landed
military and industrialist classes expropriated out of existence. Who will
post-war world cartels, trade associations, and all the various
governmental bodies set up all over the world will perchance become the
vehicles of reconstruction ... It is extremely improbable that Europe will
attempt to return to a laissez-faire economy..." All-out planning under
some form of world-wide controls needed.
danger is restriction of domestic markets. "The world is not so afraid of
American tariffs as of American depressions."
composition, distribution and character of Europe's population must
undergo periods of painful and prolonged readjustment."
develop a vacuum of intellectual leadership that will probably take a
generation to fill." Shattering of class relationships point to "new
forms" of social controls.
Hate is so
violent that "there will be an irresistible urge to apply racial
discrimination to Germans ... It should be led into orderly channels."
I had left the University, I was the recipient of the Gold Medal for Literature
of Scholarship by the Commonwealth Club of California for 1944, an award made
annually on a national basis.
While in Berkeley,
my relations with the Czechoslovak government in London became even closer. This
was partly due to the presence of a new Czech Consul in San Francisco. It was
Bohus Benes, nephew of President Benes whom I had met together with the
President in 1939 in Chicago. Bohus was generally credited with saving the
President's life in 1938, after the catastrophe of Munich, by flying his plane
to Prague and spiriting him in the same airplane out of the country. After the
establishment of a government-in-exile in London, Bohus evidently had a
falling-out with some members of Benes's entourage and was sent to San Francisco
to be far from London.
Our family and the
Benes family became very good friends, especially because they, too, lived in
Berkeley. This was also true of our children, especially of Suzanne, who was
close to Benes's daughter, whom they called Muska. She is now Mrs. Zbigniew
Brzezinski, wife of President Carter's national security adviser and well-known
I was the main
speaker on October 28, 1942, the day of Czechoslovak independence, at a big
meeting arranged by the Czechoslovak National Council in San Francisco. There
were many other occasions where Bohus Benes and I were speakers together. Some
time in 1943 the Czech Finance Minister, Dr. Ladislav Feierabend, visited the
Bay area and was a dinner guest in our home. He showed us the new banknotes
(more precisely state notes) printed in England for use in Czechoslovakia after
liberation. I am reminded of the occasion whenever I visit Czechoslovakia,
because some of them are still in circulation--probably not for long. Some time
after the visit I was appointed an adviser to the Czechoslovak Ministry for
Reconstruction. The only thing I did in this connection was publish a pamphlet
analyzing probable economic problems that would emerge after the war. I
neglected one possibility, which became the reality, namely the almost complete
nationalization and socialization of Czechoslovakia under Soviet auspices. By
that time we felt completely at home in Berkeley and I was looking forward to
settling down. Then everything changed, practically overnight. I received a
telegram from Washington asking me if I would be interested in joining the
United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA), then in the
blueprint stage, to take charge of training its overseas personnel. I replied in
the affirmative, was granted a leave of absence by the University and left for
Washington on April 5, 1944.
Nadia and I often
talked about whether we preferred California or Oregon, if we had to make the
choice. It was all theoretical and on that basis she leaned towards California,
whereas I favored Oregon. I suppose I still do, especially in view of what
happened to California, and especially to Berkeley in the sixties. I am glad I
was not at Berkeley during that troubled period. Also, I have a feeling that
California has by now lost much of what made it livable and attractive. A single
look at Los Angeles now in 1992, compared to the L.A. of 1932, tells the story.
My real choice now, and then, is Portland and I am happy that is where we are.
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